BACKGROUND

2.1 William Miller

Literature on William Miller is somewhat schizophrenic in picturing the man. On the one hand he is portrayed as a religious zealot, an enthusiast, a maniac with a fertile imagination, a man who is certainly literate but scarcely learned.¹ On the other one finds him described as a farmer of superior virtue: sober, honest, temperamentally conservative, utterly logical, self-educated with wide general knowledge, an ingeniously resourceful mind, and careful in relationships to the expressions of religious extremes.² The safe position lies in acknowledging that no one-sided view of the man matches fully with all available data.³

There is no need for an extensive treatment of various facets in Miller's or the revival's historical development, because a wealth of literature on Miller and Millerism is in existence.⁴ Miller commanded some respect in his community. He personifies the talented and virtuous American, the "self made man" who from common background makes his way into wide recognition.⁵ He was elected to serve as a sheriff and as a justice of peace. In the recruitment for the War of 1812 he gained sufficient support to serve as a captain. However, farming remained his primary occupation until Millerism was well consolidated.⁶

2.1.1 Miller and the prophecies

In spite of (or perhaps becauseot)⁷ his stern religious ,upbringing Miller turned to free-masonry, free-thinking and deism.⁸ The events of the War of 1812 converted him back to the religion of his childhood. With the enthusiasm of a new convert and with the rationalistic method of historicism he set out to explore the prophesies. He believed that "God in his wisdom had so interwoven several prophesies, that -- they tell us the same things."⁹ Even if deism plays no significant role in Miller's writings, he may be termed as a an antideist who sought to  convince his audience that the Bible was "a feast of reason."'¹⁰

In his hermeneutic Miller is obviously knowledgeable of and dependent on the British millenarian tradition. He is familiar with Mede, Newton, Faber, and Gill.¹¹ However, probably frustrated by the differing opinions of the commentaries, he decided in 1816 to launch a Bible study relying solely on the Bible and a Cruden's concordance. The results of his study show that he was primarily concerned to harmonize prophetic time periods. He was confident' that everything made sense. "There never was a book written that has a better connection and harmony than the Bible."¹²

2.1.2 Miller begins to preach

Miller's solitary studies brought results within two years. In 1818 he had reached his basic conclusions, but it was not until four years later, after thorough checking and rechecking of his arguments, that he felt confident enough to promote his prophetic time-table in private conversation and correspondence. In 1831 he felt supernaturally enticed into a career of part-time preaching. Baptist, Methodist, and Congregational ministers invited him to lecture as his message was useful in their protracted meetings.¹³ A revival was slowly kindled. Miller's theory was convincing because it rested on pietistic assumptions that many protestants shared.¹⁴ Because his message was appealing, Miller came to be involved in a series of events that gave bir1lt to one of the most widespread apocalyptic revivals in Christian history.¹⁵ Miller himself accounted for the success "by supposing that God is supporting the old man's work, wicked, imperfect, and ignorant he is."¹⁶

2.2 Millerite message

Miller's revival, as Linden has observed, "shared many ideas rampant in the small communitive groups of ante-bellum America." It was not only apocalyptic but also "devotional and revivalistic".¹⁷ In a sermon reported in 1840 he said:

Be warned. Repent. Fly, fly for succour to the ark of God - to Jesus - the Lamb which once was slain, that you might live, for he is worthy to receive all honor, power and glory. Believe, and you shall live. Obey his word, his spirit, his calls, his invitations. There is no time to delay.¹⁸

This quotation and Miller's written confession of faith place him well within the boundaries of mainstream American Protestantism with the exception of the dated parousia. He believed in the trinity, in salvation through satisfactio vicaria and in a somewhat softened version of the Calvinistic concept of salvation for the elect only.¹⁹ While this is true of Miller himself, matters of dogma, except eschatology, were of secondary importance to him. He was not concerned with the Arian views of a sizeable proportion of Millerite spokesmen.²⁰ Henry Dana Ward sums up Millerite attitudes conveniently: "Some men are Roman Catholics, some are Protestants: let them be Catholics or Protestants, only looking for the coming of the Lord according to his word."²¹ The revival is therefore best described as a one idea movement. Its central theme was the literal second coming of Christ "about the year 1843."²² Miller's strong reliance upon the Bible made his message appealing and the stage was set for an ecumenical or an interdenominational revival.

2.3 Mass meetings and publications

There were two agents that the Millerites skillfully employed to spread their message: Mass meetings and an effective publication programme. The former catered for the emotional needs of the group²³ while the latter was geared for the intellectual satisfaction of the Millerites with thousands of pages of tedious theological arguments and apology for Millerism.²⁴

Towards the end of the movement several of these large meetings were organized every month. The camp meetings and the second advent conferences drew audiences of up to ten thousand.²⁵ Apart from mass meetings Millerite success must be credited to the phenomenal publication programme of the movement. In 1843 they had produced an estimated one million copies of periodicals, but during the culminating year the total number of copies rose to about five million.²⁶ Some of the titles match the disposition of their camp meeting songs.²⁷ The flagship of the publication programme was The Signs of the Times started early in 1840 and renamed into The Advent Herald early in 1844.²⁸ In June 1841 a decision was taken to publish a series of books and pamphlets "that none need be in darkness."²⁹ These books were called the Second Advent Library.

2.3.1 The Organization and spread of Millerism

Miller's popularity grew rapidly with the help of publications and large revival meetings. The printing and distribution of periodicals as well as the financial and other arrangements for the mass meetings required organization. Miller himself was a poor organizer. This lack was compensated for by the fact that several ordained ministers took their stand on the side of Miller.³⁰ In fact Miller's role in the progress of the revival has been overemphasized and misrepresented. He was a figurehead whose ideas kindled the fire. But the flames soon grew out of his command. As early as 1837 he was no more in control of the movement. Especially Joshua Himes' organizational ability consolidated Millerism into a well structured undertaking with a sound financial basis, some property, and a massive production of publications.³¹

2.4 Millerism and American religiosity

 Since Jonathan Edward's "Great Awakening" in 1740, North American Protestantism had had a revivalist temper. Each revival gave an outlet to the dormant powers of enthusiasm. The new century started with massive waves of revivals³² followed by Finney's "new measures" in 1830's. These awakenings sought to fight back deism and sectarianism, as well as communitarianism. With hindsight one may say that there was more success in the battle against deism than in the one against sectarianism.

Geographically Millerism concentrated on the New England states, "the burned over district."^33. It was around 1840 that the casual, rural and local movement spread into the cities. In its culminating year the revival may have had up to 50,000 followers and probably many times that number of people on the fringe, following events with curious alarm.³⁴ Cross has aptly described the revival claiming that no sizeable "group of folk adopted such ideas so wholeheartedly since the early days of Roman Empire."³⁵ The main body of Millerites came from Baptist or Methodist background, but there were also Episcopalians, Congregationalists, Dutch Reformed, Presbyterians, Lutherans, as well as a good number from small obscure churches at the fringe of Protestantism.³⁶

2.4.1 Popularity of millenarianism

Within nineteenth century North American Protestantism an interest in the last things was not a fringe phenomenon. There was intense millenarian speculation by some of the leading theo­logians³⁷ as well as by many popular preachers.³⁸ Several ventured to calculate the time of the eschaton. Millennial convictions were strong among the Shakers. The Mormons expected a quick end. The spirit of the times is reflected in the words of John Humphrey Noyes, leader of the Oneida community.

The Millennium was supposed to be very near. I fully entered into the enthusiasm of the time. -My heart was fixed on the Millennium and I resolved to live or die for it.  A feeling of expectation on this point lay at the bottom of that triumphant march of revivals which shook the land for several years from that time. The Millerites have since met with unbounded ridicule; but it should be remembered that all that portion of the churches who were spiritual, who believed in revivals, and who were zealous – had a fit of expectation as enthusiastic and almost as fanatical as the Millerites.³⁹

Obviously William Miller was not the only one interested in the end of the world. America was drunk on the millennium. From Miller's success one may conclude that he is an eloquent representative of the historicist millennial speculation.

2.5 A significant change in Millerism

Christian enthusiasts have through the ages anticipated an early millennium. However, only rarely has the anticipation included an exact date. It is important to note that Miller originally intended no specific date. He preferred the less pretentious expressions "on or before", and "about the year 1843."⁴⁰

A clear turn in the Millerite movement began at the sixteenth Millerite general conference, held in Boston in May 1842. One of the outcomes of this meeting was a stronger advocacy of a definite time.⁴¹ For most Millerites a loosely defined time was neither emotionally nor intellectually satisfactory. The spirit of Millerism was, "Here we stand relying on the promises of God", "at the time appointed THE END SHALL BE."⁴²

Many Millerites were convinced that a careful application of prophecies would produce a definite time. As 1843 approached, the pressure for speculation to find a more exact date increased. In what has been termed Biblicist naiveté Miller joined the game and paved the way for the revival's slipping out of his exegetical scheme.⁴³ Nearly a decade before 1843 he had proposed that the true Biblical calendar should be based on the Jewish year, which would bring the consummation of end-time prophecies to between the Spring of 1843 and the Spring of 1844.⁴⁴

In late 1842 and early 1843 they felt a need for defining the Jewish year more exactly, and Miller's sources "the most approved and standard chronologers who have never yet been shown to be in error" indicated that March 21, 1844 would be the last day of the Jewish year AD. 1843.⁴⁵ When the time approached others tried to be even more specific than Miller had been. According to possibly mistaken information, the Jewish year corresponding to 1843 was claimed to end on April new moon, or April 18, 1844.⁴⁶ With the increasing speculation the emphasis of Millerism was changing. Instead of the ambiguous "about the year 1843" exact final dates were being discussed.

After a disappointment in March Miller hazarded no further announcements to specify the time. Miller himself never committed himself to the Karaite April date which others advocated, and he regarded the March date more genuine.⁴⁷ He was now content to keep the parousia imminent. However, many of his supporters were not prepared to settle for immediatism. He was unable to keep the movement on his side.⁴⁸ Millerite mentality preferred an exact date. Millerism was ready for its last turn.

2.5.1 The seventh-month movement

In February 1844 two men, Samuel Snow and George Storrs began promoting a typological solution to the problem of time. By the summer of 1844 they had concluded that October 22, 1844 was the exact date of the end and in an August camp meeting they attained massive support for their calculations against feeble polemic by Miller and his associates. They thus launched the final fervent phase of the revival, called the "seventh-month movement" or the "midnight cry".⁴⁹ In its exegesis as well as its emphasis this stage of Millerism has to be distinguished from the earlier revival. Snow and Storrs boosted the revival off to its Waterloo.⁵⁰

Literature on Millerism shows a general confusion in interpreting this stage of the revival. Miller is unfairly blamed for the failure of the October calculation in spite of his remaining unsympathetic to it, except for a fortnight before the disappointment.⁵¹ A comparison between Miller's exegesis and that of the seventh-month movement compels one to make a clear separation between original Millerism and this last stage of the revival. The seventh-month movement singled out one of Miller's many arguments and exegeted it with a method different from Miller's. Traditional historicist expositions, developed and advocated by Miller, became secondary to sanctuary typology. The Levitical festal calendar was promoted by implication as the most important prophecy in all of the Bible.

The basic method remained unchanged while emphasis changed. Because the former leaders of the movement were no longer in control, as the arguments of Snow and Storrs swayed the faith and the emotions of the group, this interval in Millerism has been called a sectarian turn. The adoption of an exact date was like a built-in explosive for the revival. During the late summer and early autumn the commitment, zeal, sacrifices, and number of supporters exceeded everything that had been seen so far in the history of this revival. The gravity of disappointment was to match the enthusiasm of expectation. As the morning of October 23 dawned it was again true that "the hour knoweth no man". Millerism had come to an end. As it died it gave birth to Adventism. ⁵²

2.6 The aftermath of the disappointment

One can still appreciate the impact the disappointment had on many Millerites. The few weeks of the seventh-month movement had meant everything for many of those involved. Many left their crops unharvested or neglected other secular duties. Many had donated their savings to spread the "present truth" and all had to bear the ridicule of their neighbors and relatives.⁵³

This research does not follow the events of the chaotic disintegration of the revival. After the initial reactions one finds four main trends:⁵⁴           

1. The majority disengaged themselves from the revival, many probably lost all interest in the apocalyptic.

2. A large Advent Christian group was formed around William Miller and other prominent Millerite leaders. They regarded the seventh­ month movement and any further time calcula­tions a mistake. They were satisfied to keep the parousia imminent. ⁵⁵

3. Some small groups went on recalculating the prophetic time-tables and setting new dates for the parousia.

4. Some endorsed the exegesis of the seventh­ month movement claiming that the time was right but the event wrong. They advanced the so called "shut door" theory of Christ having entered the most holy place of the heavenly sanctuary on Oct 22 and that probation was closed.

At this juncture one of the oddities of church history took place. The hard-core Millerites of the last two groups proved the strongest. The seventh-month adherents adopted sabbatarianism and grew into Seventh-day Adventism, and through a process which takes one far from original Millerism the time-setters affected the birth of the Watchtower. The least popular post-disappointment options probably involved the deepest convictions.⁵⁶

The birth and the teaching of the diverse Adventist bodies is best understood when the seventh-month phase of the revival is kept distinct from early Millerism. This conclusion is supported by Miller's later evaluation which includes the seventh-month movement, early sabbatarian Adventism and possibly other Millerite offshoots.

As time has progressed, I have been pained to see many errors which have been embraced in different sections of the country by some who have labored with myself. I have been pained to see a spirit of sectarianism and bigotry.

Some are disposed to lay stress on the seventh­ month movement which is not warranted by the Word. There was then a dedication of the heart in view of the Lord's coming -- at that time; And now to contend that we were not mistaken is dishonest. We should never be ashamed to frankly confess all our errors.⁵⁷

In Miller's view the sabbatarian Adventists who kept hold of the seventh-month movement exegesis were illegitimate children of Millerism.

2.7 Miller's heritage

The seventh-month movement is the real exegetical watershed that marked the end of historicism and made futurism or preterism attractive. Sandeen has portrayed the disgust and rejection with which the Millerite system of interpreting the Bible came to be regarded after the inglorious climax of the movement. Miller became an anathema, a theological leper for anyone speaking or writing on Biblical prophecies. Miller's failure made the inroad of Darbyism easier. Miller had exhausted the traditional historicist interpretation of the prophecies. The method which had been dominant in Protestantism for more than three centuries had but little room in America after the great disappointment. A similar development made historicism unpopular in Britain where the dispensationalist method came to dominate most of the churches supporting a biblical or fundamentalist tradition.⁵⁸

Miller's traditional emphasis and method was retained by denominations that in one way or an other have their roots in the Millerite revival. After the disappointment mainstream Millerism dwindled into various Adventist churches. Evangelical Adventists became extinct by the first years of this century. The largest denomination stemming from mainstream Millerism is the Advent Christian Church, but there are others: The Church of God (Adventist), The Church of God (Abrahamic Faith), Life and Advent Union all of which are listed in the Yearbook of American Churches.⁵⁹

However, as has been pointed out earlier, Millerism continued to grow through offshoots. The widest present day audience for Millerite type of hermeneutic can today be found in two groups, the Seventh-day Adventists and Jehovah's Witnesses. As these two groups here are mentioned together it must be emphatically stated that their development began from thoroughly distinct groups of zealous Millerites. Subsequently Seventh-day Adventists generally identify with the Protestant tradition while Jehovah's Witnesses do not. At the present time their doctrinal differen­ces are so great that representatives of either group would feel uncomfortable with any equation between the two. Furthermore, even in the area of prophetic interpretation, the current hermeneutic of these two denominations is different.⁶⁰

Seventh-day Adventists owe their hermeneutic and emphasis in particular to the seventh-month movement. They soon left aside all Millerite calculations except those relating to the books of Daniel or the Revelation. October 22, 1844 was regarded as a correct date with a misinterpreted event. After an initial "shut door" interpretation of the date the prophecy was said to have been fulfilled in the heavenly sanctuary. Having adopted seventh day sabbatarianism the group launched an aggressive mission.⁶¹

As indicated earlier, some small splinter groups of Adventists kept setting new dates for the parousia. N.H. Barbour writes of the first "midnight cry" in 1844, the second in 1860, and the third in 1873.⁶² Barbour together with his associates, J.H.Paton and J.Wendell greatly influenced the young Charles Taze Russel who came in contact with them in 1870. Russel familiarized himself with the message of William Miller and George Storrs, and edited with Barbour some Adventist publications⁶³ until breaking away to form the Watchtower society. While Russel shows independent thinking in believing the parousia to be invisible and in pursuing Arianism alongside numerous expositions unique to the Jehovah's Witnesses, the methodology as well as many interpretations are closer to original Millerism than the teachings of present day Seventh-day Adventists.⁶⁴

2.8 Summary

Early nineteenth-century North America was fertile ground for the birth of new and extreme religious ideas. The economic, intellectual, as well as religious, traditions of the day produced many communitarian or sectarian revivals, and it comes as no surprise that Millerism appealed to large numbers of people. It is possible to see it as well as its exegesis as a response to the sociological and spiritual needs of the time. Apocalypticism was popular within the mainstream of American Protestantism.

William Miller himself had neither the interest nor ability to handle the revival he sparked off. Others took over the organizational side of the revival while Miller remained its figurehead. Miller himself was reluctant to pinpoint an exact day for! the parousia. But his reluctance was not shared by his supporters, in particular Samuel Snow. Snow's insistence on a precise date led to the breakdown of Millerism. Seventh-day Adventists and Jehovah's Witnesses as well as several small Adventist churches grew up from the remains of Millerism. Outside of these groups very few ventured to trust the traditional historicist method of exegesis which Miller had employed.

Footnotes

^1. E.g. McMaster 1910, 134-141; Sears 1924; Canevin, "Gabriel, Blow That Horn", AM Nov 1942; RD Jan 1943. The view is usually documented by quotes from Miller's contemporary opponents, especially newspaper reports. See e.g. Nichol 1944, 15, 14Of.

^2. E.g. Nichol 1944, 17-74; SDAE 787-9; PFF W, 455-75. Cf. Linden 1978, 36-40; Cross 1965, 291.

^3. A certain interpretative problem will always remain. Compare e.g. Nichol 1944, 321-354 with Linden 1978, 36-40, or with Sandeen "Millenialism" in ROA, 112f.

^4. In recent years the writing on Miller has gradually matured from a simple black or white description. See e.g. Linden 1971 and 1978; Rowe MS 1974; Numbers & Butler 1987. The Bibliography has a section on Miller and Millerism.

^5. Rowe MS 1974, 6.

^6. For further details see e.g. SDAE, 787.

^7. Rowe MS 1974, 22f, 27, argues for Miller's turn to deism as a reaction to strict childhood instruction; Cf. Rasmussen MS    1983, 18.

^8. Linden 1978, 37.

^9. Miller, 1838, iv.

^10. Miller 1845, 6.

^11. Cf. ch. 5. Miller "Address to Believers in All Denomina­tions" in Bliss 1853, 251. Miller 1833, 10, 42 includes a direct quote from Gill. Cf. Rasmussen MS 1983, 52-57.

^12. Miller 1838, iv.

^13. PFF IV, 461-482. Cross 1965, 292f.

^14. Rowe MS 1974, 6.

^15. Cf. Cross 1950, 287; Linden 1982, 13.

^16. Miller, letter July 21, 1838 to Truman Hendryx, MEA.

^17. Linden 1978, 32.

^18. Excerpt from William Miller's sermon in Miller 1842/b,

^19. Miller's 20 articles of faith. Bliss 1853, 77-80.

^20. 0ut of 43 known Millerite preachers 38 had Trinitarian and 5 Arian  background. (A ratio of 7 to 1.) Froom 1971, 146f.

^21. Ward "To the Conference of Christians--" ST Jan 1, 1842.

^22. The phrase is typical of Miller's early comments on the date. Cf. the title Evidence from Scripture and History of the Second Coming of Christ about the Year 1843 (editions 1833, 1836, 1838, 1840, 1842/b).

^23. The emotional tone of the meetings is reflected in hymns like "Farewell poor careless sinners too, it grieves my heart to leave you here, Eternal vengeance waits for you, 0 turn and find your salvation near" Himes ed. 18431b part I, 21. See also the sulphurous description of the end in Anon. "A Scene of the Last Day" in Miller 18421c, 99-114.

^24. Millerite argumentation runs often with a set of questions: 1) W7Jo is the people referred to, 2) what is the sequence of events and the historical context, and most importantly 3) when is the fulfillment to be expected. Every question was to be answered within the framework of Miller's rules of interpretation. See e.g. Miller 1845, 68; Miller 1844, 14; Miller 1842/a, 8; Miller 1842/b, 191, 286.

^25. In 1842 Millerites are reported to have organized 30, in 1843 about 40, and in 1844 at least 54 camp meetings. Often the meetings were announced with proviso, "providence permitting," or "if time lingers." The audience rarely fell below 4000 and a couple of times audiences of 10000 to 15000 or 10000 to 12000 are declared. In 1842 "The Big Tent" was pur­chased to be used in the protracted meetings. This mammoth tent had the seating capacity of 5000 to 6000 but was frequently unable to accommodate the crowds that gathered. PFF W, 645­662. Cf. Dick, "Advent Camp Meeting" AHer, winter 1977.

^26. PFF W, 624f.

^27. E.g. The Voice of Warning; City Watchman's Alarm; Faithful Watchman; The Trumpet of Alarm; The Voice of Elijah; The Trump of Jubilee; The Advent Shield; Watchman's Last Warning. There were also several publications with rather sober titles like: Bible Examiner; World's Crisis; Coming of Christ, etc. See PFF W, 626.

^28. See e.g. Nichol 1944, 79.

^29. ST April 15, 1841; Nichol 1944, 91.

^30. PFF W, 503-554.

^31. Especially Froom and Nichol make the revival appear dependant solely on Miller. See Linden 1978, 45f; Rowe MS 1974, nf.

^32. "The Great Revival" E.g. Handy 1976, 162-8.

^33. Cross1950, 3; 173-184. After each round of Finney's awakening it proved to be exceedingly difficult to rekindle the enthusiasm again, a phenomenon which gave rise to the titles "the burned over district" or the "infected district". It was this area of the United States that turned out to be particularly receptive to the novel doctrines of Spiritualism, Mormonism, Millerism and a few years later Adventism, Christian Science and Jehovah's Witnesses. Thus revivalism may have played into the hands of sectarianism and millenarianism.

However, one should note that Cross's conclusions on the burned over district are not indisputable, because before Finney the same general area witnessed the rise of The Shakers (founded by Ann Lee, with emphasis on the literal presence of the Holy Spirit, around 1774), The Disciples of Christ (formed around the interesting charismatic personality, Alexander Camp­bell, who among other teachings rejected the Old Testament, around 1811), and Unitarianism (representing the "liberalism" of the day, led by the moderate William Channmg, around 1820).

^34. Nichol 1944, 217f gives an estimate of 500 public lecturers some of whom were ordained ministers. PFF W, 699 gives a figure of 1500-2000 lecturers during the seventh month movement. See also Cross 1950, 287; Linden 1978, 63; Sweet1950, 278. It is impossible to give any accurate figure on the membership of a group that kept no records and lived as if it were one foot inside the pearly gates.

^35. Cross 1950, 287.

^36. Nichol 1944, 217; Froom 1971, 146f.

^37. Apocalyptic speculation was promoted by e.g. U. Ogden (rector of Trmity Episcopal Church, Newark NJ), S. Landom (president of Harvard), Timothy White (president of Yale), O. Elsbree (professor at Buckland), E. Nott (president of Union College), Lyman Beecher (president of Lane Theological Seminary), etc. See PFF IV, 56-133.

^38. E.g. S. M'Corkle (Presbyterian pastor), Father John Thayer, Jedidah Morse, Morse 1810. Cf. PFF IV, 56-133; Sandeen, "Millenialism" in ROA, 104-109.

^39. Noyes, Confessions of Religious Experience, 1849, 2, quoted in Sandeen 1970, 49.

^40. E.g. "Miller's Twenty Articles of Faith," ST May 1, 1841. The phrase is also typical of Miller's early comments on the date. Cf. the title of one of the most popular Millerite books: Evidence from Scripture and History of the Second Coming of Christ about the Year 1843 (Editions 1833, 1836, 1838, 1840, 1842b). Cf. Bliss 1843, 77-80; PFF W, 4O6f, 463, 789; Damsteegt 1977, 35f; Cross 1965, 291.

^41. Arthur "Joshua V. Himes and the Cause of Adventism" in Numbers & Butler 1987, 43. This was against the wishes of some leading Millerites like Dr. Henry Dana Ward.

^42. Anon. "Diagram exhibiting the events of prophecy" AH Feb 21, 1844.

^43. Linden 1978, 56-65. Cf. PFF IV, 784-826.

^44. PFF IV, 794.

^45. Miller does not appear to have been aware of the technicalities of the Jewish calendar. He thought the Jewish year ran from equinox to equinox. Miller "Synopsis of Miller's Views" MC June 15, 1843. Cf. anon. "The Time of the End" ST Jan 4, 1843; anon. "The Vernal Equinox" AH April 3, 1844; PFF IV, 784, 794. Miller, Himes, Litch, Hale, Fitch and Hawkey objected to determining the exact date of the parousia.

^46. ST June 21, 1843; PFF IV, 7%f.

^47. Miller, 1845, 24.

^48. Cf. Linden 1978, 60f.

^49. The name "Seventh month movement" comes from the Jewish calendar that Snow and Storrs utilized in their exegesis, and "Midnight cry" was derived from the parable of the ten virgins. This parable was used extensively as a time prophecy (1 night = 1/2 prophetic day = 6 months according to the year/day theory) which brought the waiting Millerites from         spring 1844 to the autumn of 1844.

^50. Linden 1978, 65.

^51. See e.g. Harrison 1979, 192-206; Damsteegt 1977, 78-135; Sandeen 1970, 49-55. These authors fail to distinguish the seventh month movement. The same is often true of SDA literature though in a different sense. E.g. PFF W 784-876 and Nichol 1944, 217-260 fail to observe the difference there was in both the emphasis and exegesis of Millerism prior to the spring of 1844.

^52. Linden 1978, 65.

^53. Nichol 1944, 266f.

^54. There is little published research on the period between Oct 22, 1844 and the important Albany conference in April 1845. See e.g. Linden 1978, 79-81.

^55. Cf. Arthur 1970, 137-9; Rowe MS 1974, 277f.

^56. Carroll 1979, 85-110 presents a psychological theory in explanation of this development. Unfortunately Carroll's knowledge of Millerism is superficial.

^57. Miller 1945, 26-28.

^58. Sandeen 1970, 42-102. Cf. Froom's conclusions in PFF IV, 203f. For the development of dispensationalism see e.g. Cox 1963b; Turner 1944; Sandeen 1970.

^59. "Adventist Bodies," SDAE, 10.

^60. Jehovah's Witnesses do not commonly acknowledge that their movement has any connection with Millerism. SDAs are equally unaware of any link there is between Millerism and the JWs.

^61. E.g. Linden 1982; Damsteegt 1977, 259, 263, 135-164.

^62. Barbour 1871, 30.

^63. The magazines were called The Herald of the Morning

and The Three Worlds Plan of Redemption. Beckford 1975, 2; Hoekema 1963, 224.

^64. Jehovah's Witnesses in fact retain several of Miller's 15 arguments on prophecy, even though they cannot be regarded as a direct outgrowth of Millerism. (E.g. 6000 years from the creation to the end of the world, the year-day method, a prophecy on the seven times [originally taken from Leviticus 26, now usually from Daniell, and interpretation of Gog and Magog that matches that of Miller, etc. Cf. Rees MS 1984, 14.