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FESTAL CALENDAR AND SANCTUARY TYPOLOGY Miller's original exegesis did not provide any exact day for the parousia. In fact it is possible that some of Miller's early comments on the time gave a span of four years. He expected the Second Advent between 1843 and 1847.1 When he began preaching the definition was narrowed down to "on or before," and "about the year 1843."2 As the time approached Miller specified the time in even greater detail:
I believe that time can be known by all who desire to understand and to be ready for his coming. And I am fully convinced that some time between March 21st, 1843, and March 21st, 1844, according to the Jewish mode of computation of time, Christ will come, and bring all his saints with him; and that then he will reward every man as his works shall be.3.
This general position was followed in practically all early Millerite charts, periodical articles, and books.4 towards the end of the revival new measures were used to define the time exactly to the day. It has already been pointed out that this was no longer Miller's exegesis but rather that of Snow and Storrs. The specific date for the parousia was October 22 in 1844. It is the purpose of this chapter to outline the exegesis, which provided such unequivocal measure for Christ's return.
Froom suggests that pressure from opponents forced Miller's scholarly associates to study anew their ideas of the Jewish year.5 While this may be correct, one should not overlook the possibility that the Millerites had a great personal interest in studying and restudying every imaginable prophecy in order to find, if possible, new details on the time.6 It was no accident that their sixteenth general conference made a decision to place greater emphasis on the time.7
6.1 Two Jewish calendars As attention was drawn to the Jewish year, the first result was a correction in their previously proclaimed prophetic times. Miller held to the regular rabbinic calendar with his dates for the termini of the Jewish year March 21. His associates, Bliss, Litch, Himes, Southard, Hale and Whiting aroused doubts about the correctness of his view. They submitted the proposition that all prophecies should be counted with the Karaite dating, the "original Jewish calendar" which followed a lunar-solar year and barley harvests as indicated by the Pentateuch.8
Now there is a dispute between the Rabbinical, and the Caraite Jews, as to the correct time of commencing the year. The former are scattered all over the world, and cannot observe the time of the ripening of that harvest in Judea. They therefore regulate the commencement of the year by astronomical calculations, and commence with the new moon nearest the vernal equinox, when the sun is in Aries. The Caraite Jews, on the contrary, still adhere to the letter of the Mosaic law, and commence with the new moon nearest the barley harvest in Judea; and which is one moon later than the Rabbinical year. The Jewish year of A.D. 1843, as the Caraites reckon it in accordance with the Mosaic law, therefore commenced this year with the new moon on the 29th day of April, and the Jewish year 1884 will commence with the new moon in next April 18/19.9
The correctness of this information has later been challenged. Without the sources that the Millerites used, it is impossible to evaluate properly their information on the Karaite calendar.10 At any rate many preferred a calendar that began with barley harvest rather than solstice.11
The Law of Moses requires that the Passover shall be at the full moon, when the barley harvest is ripe, which varies from the last of March to the first of May. -- This year the first full moon came on the 3d of April; and whether the barley was then ripe, and the true Passover then kept; or whether it was not observed till the following moon, we have no certain means of knowing. As the first full moon came so late this year, it is probable the Caraites then observed the Passover unless the harvest was more than usually late.12
Miller was never overly keen on changing his views. After a disappointment in March he wanted to tone down the enthusiasm on the time.13 He was satisfied simply to keep the parousia iminent. However, many of his supporters were not prepared to settle for immediatism. He was unable to keep the movement on his side.14 From late 1842 the Millerites had been preoccupied with the exact definition of the date, and they passed through a series of disappointments in the spring of 1844. Millerism was read for its last turn. The final stage of the movement sustained prophetic calculations based on the Karaite calendar.
6.2. A correction of the calculations
The movement focused now on chronological problems. Among the Millerites there were especially two men who bear responsibility for much of the discussion on the various calendars as well as on typology. George Stores and Samuel Snow published article after article on these subjects. 6.2.1 The time of the crucifixion and 1844 One of the first changes that Snow and Storss suggested was based on a restudy of Daniel 9 and in particular the date of the crucifixion. (Dan 9.26, 27) Snow put together Daniel's words, the "Messiah be cut off' and “IN the middle of the week he shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease." His interpretation was that the ceasing of the sacrifice was a prophecy on the crucifixion. Christ died in the middle of the 70th week and brought an end to the Jewish sacrificial system. The death of Christ was rebated into 31 A.D.15
Snow’s labors with the time of Christ's ministry proved valuable exegesis of Daniel 8:14. He believed that Christ began his ministry in the autumn of 27 A.D. The crucifixion would then fall exactly three and a half years later to the spring of 31 A.D. The confirmation of this, Snow claimed, was found in the chronological work of William Hales, who had contested that the only Friday Passover within the years of Christ's ministry was in A.D. 31.16 Snow continues that if the rest of the 70th week is added to this date the 490 year prophecy ends in the autumn of A.D. 34, a year's correction to Miller's suggestion 24. This was the time when the persecution of the church was believed to have begun and the Jewish dispensation came to an end. The Gospel began to reach the Gentiles.
6.2.2 Correction for the year zero
With his A.D. 34 date for the end of the 490 years Snow had in fact rectified the mistake that Miller made with the year zero. The terminus of the 2300 years was now moved to the mathematically correct 1844 instead of 1843. Snow does not show full awareness of the simplicity of the problem. He uses astronomical charts which give him the correct result in B.C. to A.D. calculations.17 Snow's conclusions would in fact have given another full year for the disappointed Millerites. Most of their prophetic expositions could have been improved to extend from spring 1844 to spring 1845. However, after the final disappointment in the autumn of 1844 there was no energy left for further chronological revisions.
6.2.3 Autumn speculation
Snow took his dates for the crucifixion with extreme seriousness. If the middle of the last prophetic week of Daniel 9 lies in the Spring, then the terminus a quo and the terminus ad quem must both be in the Autumn. This in turn made it possible for Snow to time the beginning of the 2300 days from the Autumn of 457 B.C. and its end to the Autumn of 1844, into the month of Tishri, on to the Day of Atonement, which was almost to the day half a year from the time of the Passover in Nisan. Snow’s God was "an exact timekeeper."18 He wanted to make the Millerite prophetic system perfect to detail.
I believe this argument to be based on correct premises, and to be perfectly sound. What then is the conclusion? It must certainly be this. -- the remaining part of the 2300 days -- brings us to the autumn of A.D. 1844.19
6.2.4 Creation in the autumn
Snow got involved also with other aspects of Miller's theory. He was a firm believer in Miller's 6000 year theory. He made the suggestion which now appears curious but which at the time was published in all seriousness. "Now this long period -- the aion of age of this world began in autumn." In proof of an autumn creation Snow offered three considerations. First, "it has been the concurrent opinion of chronologers, both Jewish and Christian." Secondly, man had to subsist on a diet of fruit and seeds (Gen 1:29), and it was only reasonable to assume that these would be ripe in the autumn. His third reason refers to an Egyptian calendar which had been held "since creation" and the creation to the autumn.20
We have the very best of reasons for believing that 6000 years allotted for this world in its present state, began in the month of Tishri.21
6.2.5 The seven times
Snow extended his chronological work also to Miller's "prophecy of Moses."
The seven times of Moses, in Lev 26, amount to 2520 full years. They began with the breaking of the power of Judah, at the captivity of Manasseh (B.C. 677). This is the time that has always been given as the date of their commencement. In that year, in fulfillment of the prediction in Hos. v.5, Israel and Judah were both broken. But as it must necessarily require considerable time to remove the ten tribes, and bring foreigners to fill their place -- we cannot well date Manasseh's captivity earlier than autumn of that year. About one half, therefore, of the Jewish Year B.C. 677, must be left out of the reckoning. This will necessarily extend down the period of the 2520 years, down to the autumn of A.D. 1844.22
Snow found support for his exposition of the seven times.23 However, the simplicity of his argument on the seven times reveals a lack of awareness of the complexity of the problems in Biblical chronology.
6.3 Daniel 8:14 and sanctuary typology
An the exegetical corrections that (Snow) proposed focus on one idea. The parousia must fall in the Autumn of 1844, to be more exact, between the sunset of October 21 -and the sunset of October 22. This theorem sprang from a novel typological interpretation of Daniel 8:14 which must be discussed in greater detail.
6.3.1 Development of Millerite interest in typology
The origin of Millerite typological interest can be found in several sources. One, though probably not the most important, is Miller's concept of the prophecies relating to the Jewish rather then Gregorian calendar. This idea involved technical detail which many Millerites loved. It gave the adherents confidence in the logic and scientifically sound foundation of their faith. Interest intricate problems of calendars escalated gradually towards the end of 1843. The Jewish calendar Jewish feasts and typological and eschatological-meaning of various symbols took more and more space in Millerite periodicals.
Before Miller had given any serious suggestions on the Jewish Year Himes published a reprint of Spalding's book on prophecy.24 This not only included detailed expositions of apocalyptic prophecy and a skillfully prepared argument for the non-return of the Jews, but it also presented the notion that the Spring feasts of the Jewish year point forward to the first advent of Christ while the Autumn feasts, the Day of Atonement and the Feast of Tabernacles, symbolize the second advent.
There is also a third early source on typological interpretation. This is a detailed series of five articles by "E.B.K."25 These articles speculate on the eschatological meaning of various elements in the Jewish Sanctuary service. They do not include discussion on chronological symbolism which was to become so important for Snow yet they entice the reader to consider the prophetic significance of Levitical institutions.
6.3.2 The autumn feasts
In May 1843, when there were several months to the end of the Jewish year," Miller brought into the open Spalding's idea on the eschatological import of the Jewish feasts.
All the ceremonies of the typical law that were observed in the first month, or vernal equinox, had their fulfillment in Christ's first advent.
The feasts and ceremonies in the seventh month or autumnal equinox can only have their fulfillment at his second advent.26
After Miller's comment this hermeneutical idea as frequently discussed and elaborated on in Millerite periodicals.27 Even though Miller did nothing to pursue the exegetical implications of the idea it is the real inception of the seventh month movement.28
According to this concept the spring feasts, Passover and the feast of weeks, met their antitypes at the beginning of the Christian era. This had always been the traditional Christian view: the Passover was accepted as the type of the events related to the crucifixion, and the feast of weeks as the type of the Pentecost. It is a fairly logical step forward to regard the autumn feasts, the day of the atonement and the feast of tabernacles, eschatological.29
6.3.3 The seventh month
Miller had played his role in introducing an eschatological dimension into the autumn feasts. Other Millerites began laboring with the Jewish festal calendar. There may even have been some, who looked with special interest upon the seventh month the Jewish year in 1843.30 As they did this they were in fact knowingly or unknowingly borrowing an idea which Sir Isaac Newton had asserted more than a century earlier:
The temple is the scene of the visions, and the visions in the Temple relate to the feast of the seventh month: for the feasts of the Jews were typical of things to come. The Passover related to the first coming of Christ, and the feasts of the seventh month to his second coming: his first coming being therefore over before this Prophecy was given, the feasts of the seventh month are here only alluded unto.31
Samuel Snow combined Miller's idea on the meaning of the Jewish feasts with Miller's well known explanation of Daniel 8:14. In the spring Snow did not propose an exact date but rather the autumn in general.32 However, in the late summer of 1844 he had done further research on the festal typoi and he was perfectly convinced that Daniel 8:14 pointed forward to a universal Day of Atonement, the cleansing of the heavenly sanctuary.33
XIII. Chart illustrating Snow's typological interpretation of the Levitical festal calendar
TYPOLOGICAL MEANING
6.3.4 Details of the sanctuary typos
For some reason Snow or other Millerites never realized that they were no longer interpret Daniel when they got involved with the festal calendar. The interpretation was rather that of Leviticus 16. Daniel's prophecy was only secondary. It showed the year, but the day was indicated by the Jewish festal calendar. Leviticus 16 was presented as the primary interpreter of Daniel 8, while in fact focus was on an eschatological Jom Kippurim which was timed with Daniel 8:14.
Proof for this exegesis was found in the King James translation. Dan 8:14 included the words "then shall the sanctuary be cleansed" and Lev 16:19 describes one of the rituals of the Day of the Atonement: "And he shall sprinkle of the blood upon it [the altar] with his finger seven times, and cleanse it, and hallow it from the uncleanness of the children of Israel." Both texts had a relationship to the sanctuary and both texts mentioned a cleansing.34
Snow was simply suggesting that the OT economy of sanctuary services and especially the feasts were a straightforward prophecy of various aspects of the first or of the second advent of Christ. He described how the heavenly high priest would come out of the cleansed sanctuary and bless the waiting congregation exactly on the Day of Atonement.
The high priest went into the most holy place of the tabernacle presenting the blood of the victim before the mercy seat, after which on the same day he came out and blessed the waiting congregation of Israel. -- Now the important point in this type is the completion of the reconciliation at the coming of the priest out of the holy place. The high priest was a type of Jesus our High Priest; the most holy place, a type of heaven itself; and the coming out of the high priest a type of the coming of Jesus the second time to bless his waiting people. As this was on the tenth day of the 7th month, so on that day Jesus will certainly come, because not a single point of the law is to fail. All must be fulfilled.35
Snow’s argument had a certain degree of logic. He only needed to ask when the paschal type was fulfilled. Most of his readers would have agreed readily that it was on the regular time of the Passover sacrifice in the afternoon with Christ as the Passover lamb. During the Passover celebration the first fruits of the harvest were offered on the morning after the Sabbath. This in Snow view was fulfilled with Christ rising from the dead in the morning. Snow tried to prove that every imaginable symbol was fulfilled literally also in relationship to time. Likewise the Christian day of Pentecost with the bestowal of the Holy Spirit and the mass conversion, which was the first gathering of harvest to the kingdom of God, happened on the literal Jewish harvest festival, feast of the weeks with events matching those of the type.
The law of Moses contained a shadow of good things to come; a system of figures of types pointing to Christ and his ~kingdom. See Heb. x.1; Col. ii. 16, 17. Everything contained in the law was to be fulfilled by him. -- Not the least point will fail, either in the substance shadowed forth, or in the time so definitely pointed out by the observance of the types. For God is an exact time keeper. See Acts XVII.26, 31; Job XXIV. 1; Lev XXlV.4, 37. These passages show that TIME is an important point in the law of the Lord.36
This belief in the exact fulfillment "in regard to time" was taken, were possible, even to the time of the day.
From the language of Leviticus xxiii.32 [from even unto even shall ye celebrate your Sabbath], I think the hour of the Advent will be at the evening of the tenth day; thus God may design to try our faith till the very last moment; and "he that shall endure unto the end, the same shall be saved."37
However, they never paused to wonder whether the evening was to be Palestinian or North American time.
6.4 Objections to Snow typology
XIV. Chart illustrating Snow's view of the typological meaning of the autumnal Jewish feasts
Snow’s ultraistic speculation was slow to catch the support of Millerite leaders.38 The Millerite papers admonished their readers to avoid everything foolish and fanatical. While objections to Snow views were printed in the Advent, Herald Snow and Storrs began publishing their own paper. Snow and those who backed him regarded the spontaneity of the revival as a certain sign of the work being from the Lord.39
Litch published several points to show his disapproval of Snow’s doctrine. He felt that there are no grounds for claiming that the decree to rebuild Jerusalem was given in the autumn of 457 B.C. Litch argued further that there was no proof of Christ beginning his ministry in the autumn as John 2:13 shows that soon after Christ's ministry had begun there was the Passover. He did not excepted the typology of Snow. As he pointed out, there was no reason to claim that Christ can only come back at the end of the 2300 days.40 However valid Litch's counterarguments may have been, they did little to turn the tide. One after another the Mi!lerite leaders embraced new typological interpretation of prophecy. The people were counting time according to the Jewish calendar. And as the month of Tishri began Miller and Litch also accepted the evidence.41 Southard published his acceptance in the Advent Herald.
The weight of evidence that the Lord will come on the tenth day of the seventh month is so strong that I heartily yield to its force, and I intend, by the help of the Lord, to act as if there was no possibility of mistake.42
6.5 Midnight Cry
The final crowning point to prove that the argumentation on Leviticus 16 and Daniel 8 was correct came from Matthew 25, the parable of the ten virgins. Christ was not only presented as the high priest coming out of the sanctuary but according to the parable as the bridegroom, The bride, the church, had been waiting for - the arrival of the groom in the spring while he in fact would come in the autumn.
How long the vision? Unto 2300 eveningmornings.' An evening, or 'night,' then, is half of one of those prophetic days. Here then we have the 'chronology' of Jesus Christ. The tarrying time is just half a year. When did we go into this time? Last March or April. Then the latter part of July would bring us to midnight. At that time God put this cry into the harts of some of his servants, and they saw, from the Bible, that God had given the chronology of the tarrying time, and its length. There it is, in the 25th of Matthew. 'At midnight there was a cry made, Behold the Bridegroom cometh; go ye out to meet him.' "Here we are - the last warning is now sounding. 0 heed it ye virgins. Awake, awake, awake.43
Even the waiting time of half a year from spring 1844 to the autumn was seen in prophecy. The Day of Atonement was a day of waiting and soul searching. In the morning trumpets were blown, and in the evening the blessing was received. This formed the final confirmation of the autumn expectation. Morning to evening was half a day, in prophetic time this was half a year. The spring expectation was the blowing of trumpets in the morning and the "midnight cry" led to the preparation to meet the bridegroom/high priest half a year later in the autumn symbolized by the evening. 44 The exegetical elements, apocalyptic prophecy from Daniel, sanctuary typology, a parable of Jesus, were all put together into a package which aroused unforeseen interest in prophetic interpretation. This exegesis is also the trademark of one of the most memorable disappointments that a large group of people have ever experienced, and even though it differed in many ways from traditional historicism, it marks the beginning of decline in the popularity of this system of prophetic exegesis.
6.6 Excursus, background to typology
Typology has a background distinct from that of general historicism. The Christian church has from its beginning seen many Old Testament images and passages as types and prophecies of Jesus Christ.45 As one looks back further one finds a pattern in the writings of the Old Testament. The prophets were the first to use typology. As Israel was facing national disasters "they looked for a new David, a new Exodus, a new covenant, a new City of God: the old had become a type of the new and important as pointing forward to it."46 This pattern was taken up by the NT writers who saw the Old Testament as a prefiguration of the Christ-event. The number of types found is vast.47
This view of the types has not passed unchallenged.48 It presupposes "the conviction of the unchanging nature of God"49 as well as an assurance that the past acts of God "will be repeated on a scale greater and more wonderful than that of the past."50 Such conviction was part of the first Christian faith.51
6.6.1 New Testament typology
The typology of the NT is both horizontal, referring to historical fulfillments, and vertical, illustrating things considered as heavenly realities. An example of horizontal typology is in 1Cor 10 where Paul regards things from the Exodus and wilderness itinerary as symbols of various things in Christian experience. "These things happened as types [tupoi] for us, that we should not crave evil things, as they craved" and "Now these things happened to them as examples [tupikos] and they were written for our warning, upon whom the end of the ages has come" (w. 6,11).52 It was this horizontal typology that Snow employed in his calculations of the day of the end. Some of the clearest examples of vertical typology are found in the book of Hebrews. Modem scholars usually disassociate itself strongly from this form of typology.53 There is no reason to discuss the vertical typology any further as it was not important for the prophetic calculations in question until the birth of Seventh-day Adventism.
The New Testament thus sowed the seeds for both historical and heavenly antitypes. It is not necessary here to cover the background of typological hermeneutic through the centuries.54 The views vary from the illustrious allegories of Origen through the medieval quadrica to the more sober exegesis of the Reformers.55 During the period of Protestant orthodoxy "Types were regarded as OT facts which were ordained by God to adumbrate or foreshadow aspects of Christ or the Gospel in the NT."56 This view has in succeeding centuries been accepted as fife traditional understanding of biblical typology. It is still regarded as the true concept on the subject by many with a Biblicist view on the Scriptures.57
6.6.2 Cocceius and Marsh
Within protestant Biblicism there were two main lines of prophetic typology. On one extreme there was the so-called Cocceian school58 with an elaborate and imaginative exegesis "impregnated with typology."59 Sensus ailegoricus was so important for Cocceian interpretation of types that Harnack's term "Biblicalalchemy" [given for Origen's exegesis] suits perfectly some of this fanciful expositions.60 On the other extreme there was the Marshian typology representing a reaction from the prevalent undisciplined method.61 Marsh looked for Scriptural sanction for each type and gained fair scholarly but little popular support for his method.62 However, Cocceian typology was prominent in Britain and North-America until mid-nineteenth century.63
6.6.3 North American concepts
Even though the scholarly nineteenth-century commentaries promoted the sober Marshian typology, popular books and pamphlets applied typology to any number of aspects within the sphere of Christian life. It turned the Bible into a "vast volume of oracles and riddles, a huge book of secret puzzles to which the reader has to find clues." Often little account of actual history was taken.64
Another feature of American typology is its interest in the tennini technici of the sanctuary, the sacrifices of the feasts types which became so important for the Seventh-month movement and later for Adventism. Yet the literature available for this research has not provided any examples of Old Testament typology combined with prophetic exegesis that would parallel with Snow's typological ideas.
Finally it is worth observing that the whole relationship that North American Christians had to the OT in Miller's time would deserve further study. In many areas of life OT terminology was regularly used. Sunday was called the Sabbath.65 Several Pentateuchal laws from tithing to marriage laws and from the treatment of the poor to the distinction of clean and unclean animals was regarded as normative or valuable by some Christians.66 With such interest and authority invested in the Old Testament it is to be expected that a detailed typology of various themes would exist.
6.6.4 Examples of sanctuary typology
The spirit of allegorizing typology is illustrated in words that come from a twentieth-century fundamentalistic handbook on Messianic prophecies. The claim is that the detailed "precise measurements and construction of the tabernacle-- with all the intricate instructions as to the offerings and feasts" repay meditation more amply than any other section of the Bible. "As we playfully and patiently study them, we find them full of the deepest teaching concerning Christ and spiritual things, and of the wisest councils for the right ordering of our daily life."67 The hermeneutic presupposed spiritualization, a deepening, ethicizing, symbolizing or dematerializing of fairly concrete religious terms.68
The importance of sanctuary typology was reinforced with Bengel's observation: "While two chapters in Genesis are given to tell us how the world was created, there are sixteen chapters to tell us how the Tabernacle was constructed. For the world was made for the sake of the Church, and the great object of creation is to glorify God in the redemption and sanctification of His people."69 The interest frequently led to an ignoring of reality.70 Earthly occurrences and objects were not only regarded as foreknown by God but also as expressions of the details of the atonement, "the plan of salvation," of the exact copy of heavenly things that pre-existed before the, tabernacle and that still continue to exist.71 "The careful study of the types," claims Habershon, "leaves no room for doubting that the whole Levitical economy was divinely instituted to foreshadow the work and person of the Lord Jesus Christ Himself."72 With this mentality it was natural to combine prophecy with typology.
Typological interpretation was also applied to historical narrative.73 Certain details in the history of Israel or some individuals were though of as analogies of the life of Christ or of the whole Christian dispensation.74 As a result numerous typological propositions, far fetched, trifling or even contrary to the type and its context were presented. This was due to the fact that the method had no fixed rules to guide its interpretations, which left room on every hand for arbitrariness and caprice to enter.75
The seventh-month movement of Millerism employed only a very narrow area of typology in its prophetic hermeneutic. Many details of this typology can be compared with the typological themes that were presented in popular books. Snow’s ideas were criticized by Miller and some others on the grounds that the principles did not stem from the Bible, in other words being in line with the Cocceiau method:
6.7 Summary
Towards the end of Millerism a fresh interest in details of Jewish calendar and of sanctuary typology of was aroused. The time was defined in a complex way which made it impossible for laymen any more than preachers to control whether the basic arguments were sound. The Millerite message was focused on a few issues only, in fact only one issue - whether the Day of Atonement was a type of the Parousia to be timed with the help of Daniel 8:14.
Such detailed prophetic association with the Pentateuchal sanctuary or the feasts has a background in the Cocceian typology school of thought. Various Old Testament types were researched and given historical or theological applications by numerous contemporaries of Miller. Consequently it is no surprise to find Snow with the aid of Storss bringing the ideas in and finding the Millerites prepared to accept them.
Footnotes 1. Ford 1980, A-82. 2. E.g. "Miller's Twenty Articles of Faith," ST May 1, 1841. The phrase is also typical of Miller's early comments on the date. Cf. the title of one of the most popular Millerite books: Evidence from Scripture and History of the Second Coming of Christ about the Year 1843 (Editions 1833, 1836, 1838, 1840, 1842). Cf. Bliss 1853, 77-80; PFF IV, 406f, 463, 789; Damsteegt 1977, 35f; Cross 1965, 291.
3. SMV, 17f. ST Jan 25, 1843. Cf. PFF IV, 789.
4. For charts see ST May 1, 1841; June 1, 1841; April 26, 1843; May 24, 1843; MC Nov 18, 1842; March 17, 1843; June 8, 1843; July 20, 1843; Aug 31, 1843. PFF IV, 794.
5. PFF IV, 795.
6. Linden 1978, 59.
7. The Conference was held in ""Boston in May 1842. Cf. chapter 2.5.
8. PFF IV, 796. Cf. de Vaux 1961, 189-194.
9. Editorial ST June 21, 1843. PFF IV, 7%.
10. E.g. Ford 1980. A-81-86. It would be exceptional for orthodox Jews to have the beginning of Nisan later than March and the Day of Atonement in late October.
I1. Cf. Lev 23:5-10.
12. E.C.C. "The Seventh Month” AH Sep 21, 1844.
13. Miller, Apology 1845, 24.
14. Cf. Linden 1978, 60f.
15. Snow MC May 2, 1844,353.
16. TMC Aug 22, 1844.
17. Snow MC May 2, 1844, p. 353.
18. Snow, "Reasons for believing" AH Oct 9, 1844.
19. Snow MC May 2, 1844, p. 353. C.f. PFF W, 799.
20. Snow "Prophetic Chronology" AH Aug 14, 1844. Cf. Snow "Reasons for Believing" AH Oct 9, 1844. Rees MS, 1983, 12-14.
21. Snow "Prophetic Chronology" AH Aug 14, 1844.
22. Snow "Prophetic Chronology" AH Aug 14, 1844.
23. E.g. E.C.C. The Seventh Month" AH Sep 21, 1844 lists with the great enthusiasm every imaginable Old Testament text on the seventh month in an effort to show some mystical union between the seven times of Lev 26 and the seventh month assumed to be related to Daniel 8:14.
24. Spalding 1796, 1841.
25. E.B.K. "Theory of Types, Nos. 1-5" ST Mar 15 - Sep 1,1841.
26. Miller, "Letter May 3, 1843" ST May 17, 1843.
27. E.g. AH Sep 18, 1844, p. 52; Oct 2, 1844, pp. 70-72; MC Oct 11, 1844, p. 115.
28. PFF IV, 795.
29. Miller, "Letter, May 3, 1843" ST "May 17, 1843. Cf. Snow, MC May 2, 1844, 355.
30. PFF W, 795.
31. Newton 1733, 255; PFF II, 668.
32. Snow "Our Position As to Time" ASR May 2, 1844, 125.
33. Snow "Reasons for Believing AH Oct 9, 1844. 34. KJV translates the Hebrew word misleadingly "cleansed." This is probably due to LXX translation καθαρισθήεται. The use of a concordance may lead to combine Dan 8:14 with Lev 16:19 which mentions the cleansing of the altar on the day of the atonement. 35. Snow, TMC August 22, 1844. 36. Snow "Reasons for believing" AH Oct 9, 1844.
37. Storrs "Go Ye out to Meet Him" AH Oct 9, 1844.
38. Linden 1982, 17.
39. PFF IV, 812-820. 40. Litch "The Seventh Month" AH Aug 21, 1844. 41. PFF W, 820f.
42. Southard, editorial MC Oct 3, 1844.
43. Storrs "Go Ye out to Meet Him" AH Oct 9, 1844.
44. Storrs "Go Ye out to Meet Him" AH Oct 9, 1844. Cf. PFF IV, 799-826.
45. Modern Biblical research does not usually agree with the interpretations which were common before the inroads of historical critical scholarship into OT interpretation. See e.g. Ringgren 1956, 7.
46. Por David see e.g. Jer 23.5; 33.15-18; Hosea 3.5; Amos 9.11; Isa 55.3f. Ps 132.11-17; for Exodus e.g. Isa 52.4-12; Jer 16.14,15; 23.7,8; Hos 8.13; 11.11; Zech 10.10; for a city Ez 45; Dan 9.24-27; Jer 31.23; Isa 60.10. Cf. Rad EOTH, 17-39; Rad "Typologische Auslegung Alten Testaments" EvT 12 (1952-1953); Rad "Typological Interpretation of the Old Testament" Int 15 (1961).
47. Rad EOTH, 34-36; Rad 1965, 363.
48. Rad's view has been contested by e.g. Bultmann, who considers such thinking "almost entirely foreign to ancient Israel," see EOTH 19, and Baumgartel, who regards typology incompatible with modem historical thinking and for whom aT views are irreconcilable with NT gospel, EOTH 157. Cf. Eichrodt in EOTH 224-245 who in turn gives some justification for typological considerations; or Lampe 1957, 9-38 on "the reasonableness of typology." Also Wolff EOTH 160-199; and Wolff "Old Testament in Controversy: Interpretative Principles and Illustrations" Int 12 (1958), expresses the view that logical approach is "indispensable." Cf. Barr "Revelation in History" IDBSup 746-749; DaVidson 1981, 59-73.
49. Foulkes 1958, 40.
50. Foulkes 1958, 8.
51. Bultmann "Prophecy and Fulfillment" in EOTH, 19.
52 Cf. e.g. Rom 5.12-21; 1Pet 3.18-22.
53. E.g. Rad 1956, 367. "Typological exposition of the kind practiced in Protestantism from the time of the Reformation down to that of Delitzsch can never be revived. Too much of what it took for granted, not least its underlying philosophy of history has proved untenable, and the gulf between It and ourselves has become so wide that no great profit could be expected from any discussion of it."
54. See e.g. Fairbairn 1857, ''book first" for an overview of the history of typology.
55. Luther insisted on taking seriously the literal meaning of the Word and from that starting point looked for a Christocentric, typological understanding. He believed that the OT "Pointed- forward to Christ WA 12:275; Althaus 1966, 96. For Calvin see e.g. Institutes 2.9.3; 2.10.4, Davidson 1981, 31.
56. Davidson 1981, 32f.
57. E.g. Lockyer 1973.
58. After Johannes Cocceius (1603-1669). Fairbairn 1864, 27
59. Brown "Hermeneutics" p. 613, quoted in Davidson 1981,
60. Harnack n.d. vol I, 114f.
61. A Marshian method of typology was named after Herbert Marsh (1757-1839), bishop of Peterborough. "By what means shall we be able to determine, in any given instance, that what is alleged as a type was really designed for a type? The only possible means of knowing that two distant, though similar historical facts were so connected in the general scheme of Divine Providence that the one designed to prefigure the other, is the authority of that book in which the scheme of Divine Providence is unfolded." Marsh himself is pre-critical in his hermeneutic. See Marsh 1828, 372. Cf. Fairbairn 1864, 32-44; Davidson 1981, 33-37.
62 Even Marsh's solution is problematic if one considers the possible "Biblical types": Adam (Rom 4:11; 1Cor 15:22); Melchizedek (Heb 8); Sarah and Hagar, Ishmael and Isaac, and by implication Abraham (Gal 4:22-35); Moses (Gal 3:19; Acts 3:22-26); Jonah (Mt 12:40); David (Ez 32:24; Lk 1:32); Solomon (2Sam 7); Zerubbabel and Joshua (Zech 3,4; Hag 2:23); preservation of Noah and his family in the ark (lPet 3:20); exodus (Mt 2:15); the passage through the Red Sea, the giving of manna, Moses veiling his face, the water flowing from the smitten rock, the serpent lifted up for healing in the wilderness (lCor 10); Joh 3:14; Rev 2:17). Fairbairn 1864, 40f. Some sacrifices and feasts, at least the Passover, should be interpreted as "Biblical types". Franks n.d. [19181, 15f. The OT itself gives no explanation for the various rituals. Cf. Vriezen 1958, 291f; Wallace 1981" 4f. 63. See e.g. introductions in Habershon n.d. ["The Types not Fanciful"]; Taylor 1635, 1-5; White [F.] 1877, 1-3. 64. Lampe 1957, 31.
65. This is in line with the Calvinistic/Puritan tradition of North America.
66. Unilateralism lies behind these concepts. Lampe 1957, 17.
67. Lockyer 1973, 343. Cf. White [F.] 1877, 3, "Every part of the sacred structure, from the Golden Chest-- down to the smallest pin or cord which fastened the whole to the ground is replete with instruction."
68 Daly 1978, 4.
69. Bengel as quoted in White [p.] 1877, 3.
70. Cf. Lockyer 1973, 343-476.
71. Cf. Harnack n.d. vol I, 320.
72 Hanbershon 1915, 12.
73. E.g. Guild found no less than forty-nine typical resemblances between Joseph and Christ, and seventeen between Jacob and Christ. One of these was Jacob's being a supplanter of his brother which Guild made to represent Christ's supplanting death, sin and Satan. Guild 1626, quoted in Fairbairn 1864, 30. Cf. e.g. Lampe's comments on the interpretation that the scarlet cord of Rahab at Jericho served as a token of the blood of Christ. An example stemming from the church fathers. Lampe 1957, 33. 74. E.g. Law 1855 (rep. 1967), 97-151; Habershon n.d.; White [F.], 1877, 120 and in passim. 75. Fairbairn 1857, 31f.
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